Historic Outlook on the Circumstances and Rise of the Assyrian Democratic Organization

 

The Assyrian Democratic Organization Jubilee
50 Years in Quest of Existence and Freedom

     
First: Historic Outlook on the Circumstances and Rise of the Assyrian Democratic Organization

Similar to all people who had been colonized by the Ottomans, the Assyrians too, were influenced by nationalist ideas as well as the Renaissance and Enlightenment values that was born in Europe and spread in the mid-nineteenth century and early twentieth century. The rise and development of the national sentiment amongst our people in the beginning was based on the cultural awareness. This reinforced the sense of unity and common appurtenance, on the basis of common cultural heritage represented by the Syriac language which unified all our communities, as well as a common sense reinforced by the injustice and oppression suffered by our people at the hands of the Young Turks’ “Al Ittihad Wal-taraqqi” government during the First World War because of their national and religious affiliations. In addition to this, there is a common history, both before and after Christianity which gave birth to a cultural and civilized system that enriched humanity at large and has always been a source of pride and dignity for our people who have always expressed the will and aspirations of liberation and emancipation from the yoke of Ottoman rule, like all the other people of the region living under the Ottoman rule.

All these developments prompted our people to establish social and cultural associations that issued newspapers and magazines called for reform and renaissance. These were established in cities like Omid (Diyarbakir), Kharput, and Urmia on the hands of our cultural renaissance pioneers such as Ashur Yusef (+1915), Archbishop Touma Audo (+ 1917), Fraidoun Atouraya (+1918), Naom Faïk (+1930), Youkhana Moshe (+ ), Farid Nuzha (+1970), Yousef Malek (+ 1959), Joel E. Warda (+ ), Joseph Durna (+ 1958), Sanharib Bali (+ 1971) and others. The newspapers and associations spread in other cities. Further, the struggles and sacrifices of the martyr patriarch Mar Benyamin Shimun XXI (+ 1918), the leader Agha Petros (+ 1932), Archbishop Afram Barsom (later Patriarch + 1957), Mar Eshai Shimun XXIII (+ 1975) and others have given strong momentum to the nationalist movement which was soon interrupted as a result of the Genocide ( Sayfo 1915) perpetrated against our people by the Turkish authorities that claimed the lives of half a million martyrs and the displacement of hundred of thousands which eventually led to the change of the demographic map of the whole region.

But, the tragedy of our people was marked by another terrible massacre in August 1933 in Simele by the Iraqi government, and this marked the beginning of a transformation towards chauvinistic and exclusionist ideology which the Iraqi people, including Assyrians, paid a heavy price for later.

That era of the history of the struggle of our people did not register the emergence of political parties. But the struggles had a major impact later, when the political parties were established in more than one place in the homeland and Diaspora, and gained momentum through various associations and institutions, formed mainly in the Diaspora. As a matter of fact, the homeland has echoed all this in the city of Qamishly (Northeast Syria) which considered itself an extension and continuation of the cities that have embraced the nationalist renaissance of our people.

The relative stability of Qamishly helped our people forget the pains and tragedies that struck them throughout the past decades. As a result of this, by the fifties of the last century, our people in Qamishly reached a stage of development in all aspects of political, cultural, social and economic situations that enhanced their stability, strengthened the ties of belonging to the place, and increased the interaction between our people’s components on one hand and the partners in the homeland, on the other.

The city of Qamishly then witnessed culturally rich and diverse activities. Institutions and associations, social and sporting clubs were founded such as ܪܚܡܬ ܥܕܬܐ ܘܠܫܢܐ (Church and Language Lovers Society), the Rafidain Club, the Scouts and artistic teams. All these have played an active social and cultural role. Our schools such as al-Nahda secondary, Fares al-Khouri school and others were flourishing, achieving an excellent level and providing places for education and diffusion of national ideology, either through the national chants of the pioneers such as Fraidoun Atouraya, Malfono Naom Faïk, Archbishop Youhanon Dolabani (+ 1969), Hanna Salman (+ 1981) and Youhanoun Kashisho (+ 2001). These chant recited at schools every morning inflamed the feelings and imagination of students; or through the teachers and schools and other institutions’ supervisors, as Malfono Shukri Charmoukli (+ 1974), Hanna Salman, Abdelmasih Karabashi (+ 1983), Isa Tabakh (+ 1990), Hanna Abdelke (+ ), Hanna Moreh (+ 2002), Yousef Shamoun (+ ), Borhan Eliya and others who planted the seeds of national thoughts, and cultivated noble values and devoting feelings to people and Homeland in the hearts of young people; they were good examples for these students. Also, we can not forget the role of the “Asociacion Asiria” magazine issued by journalist Farid Nuzha in Argentina in crystallizing the awareness of these young people. And finally, the favorable atmosphere and the freedom that prevailed in Syria in the 1950s had contributed to the growing of political consciousness among the younger generation that benefited from the expertise and experience provided by the competing national political parties then.

All these factors, in addition to the failure of governments and national parties in the fulfillment of democracy, justice and equality to all citizens, coupled with growing nationalist feelings among the other peoples of the country, prompted the educated youth of our people to think of better ways of organizing and forming a political movement capable of reflecting their national ambitions and aspirations. And thus, on the 15th of July 1957 came the establishment of the Assyrian Democratic Organization (ADO) as the first political organization in the modern history of our people, by a group of enthusiastic students who bore on their tender shoulders the burden of foundation, the difficulties of the inception and risks of preaching their thoughts under authoritarian regimes that knew no mercy or tolerance. Yet, in spite of that, they passed beyond these difficulties and risks and succeeded in their quest to have the promising ADO transformed, after years, into a nationalist unifying Foundation.

Now, out of great respect and love to our founding bnay layoyo (comrades) whose memory we cherish so much, we recall here their names counting on the memory of our older bnay layoyo because of the lack of written documentation and the overlapping between the names of the founding and first generation of leaders, with a special mention to the fact that some spent a short time in the ranks of ADO then soon moved to join other national parties such as the Communist Party, the Syrian National Social Party and al-Baath Arab Socialist Party.

On the whole, if some names have slipped our mind we owe an apology to them in advance, and promise to add them later when we have information about them. Among those pioneer bnay layoyo we proudly mention the names of: the late Dr. Senharib Hanna Shabo (+ 2006), Saeid Rizqallah, the late Saliba Hanna (+ 1995), David Jundo (+ ), George Solomon, Astephan Abdel Nour, David Zozo, the late George Younan (+ ), Younan Talia, Jamil Ibrahim, Shaukat Afram, Hanna Moussa Aho, Shafiq Farhan Maloul, Malak Stifo, Joseph Tuma, Hosni Naum, Ibrahim Lahdo, Riad Nasr Allah, Ninos Aho, Moshe Mirza, Aho Yusuf, Gabriel Adde, the late Zuhair Ajjo (+ ), Issa Malke and Yacoub Maroge… some of these during their study in Europe have played a fundamental role in spreading national awareness among our communities and establishing new branches of the ADO in Europe, Sweden and America supported and helped by equally faithful and zealous youths.

It is also worth mentioning here the role of the Assyrian woman in joining the ADO with unparalleled zest to do her duty in the national struggle despite the harsh conditions and difficulties in the mid-1960s Syria and this role is continuing to grow steadily day after day. Among the pioneer female bneth layoyo we recall the names of Saida Hanna, Mary Karim, Nadia Yacoub, Shalem Sarkis, Mary Ayou, Ramzia Younan (+ ), Khatoun Hanna, Aliz Gabriel and many others …

All those named, compared to their little political experience, young age, and the difficulty of the circumstances at that time, have struggled with dedication for consolidating the ADO’s presence among our people. Some of them have passed from this life; others still exercise their leadership role in the ADO’s ranks with proficiency and zeal. Some have chosen for themselves different paths in life having emigrated to study and to improve their standard of living, others devoted themselves completely to work and family life. There were some whose ambitions were greater than that of the ADO and so they joined other national parties as mentioned above and others contributed to the establishment of parties and national institutions and became active members there, whereas a number of those early bnay layoyo could not cope with the escalating march of the ADO, and the risks involved, or disagreed with colleagues and preferred to live a life of calm and stability, maintaining at the same time relations of respect and cordiality towards the ADO and its members. In fact, this phenomenon is not a strange one in politics in the Middle East as well as the world. The ADO also knew this phenomenon and exercised it.

As a matter of fact, the phenomenon of leaving the ranks of the party (any party) by the member does not detract from the value of the member or the organization to which he/she belongs in any way. However, it is certain and sure, that the organizational life of the ADO has been characterized by maximum flexibility. It did not seek or try to dismiss or exclude any committed member even in the event of a discrepancy in views. On the contrary, it represented a unique situation in the Middle East for the practicing of democracy within its organizational framework. By keeping away from canned beliefs and ideologies, and by following a democratically oriented course, it was capable of encompassing all views and ideas and even movements in its ranks. In addition, the ADO was not plagued with the malady of the first secretary or the historic and eternal leader as in the case with most parties in the Middle East. On the contrary the leadership rotation was the most prominent feature in the life of the ADO both at the level of leadership or the branches. Whenever a bar layoyo demonstrated efficiency, merit and attendance, he would find doors open to him/her to assume positions of responsibility, bearing in mind that this means readiness to sacrifice and selflessness. It is suffice to say, that the last three Conferences of the ADO witnessed great changes in the structure of the leading bodies (Central Committee, Political Bureau and branches) and the rotation of three bnay layoyo on the first office: bar layoyo Aziz Ahe, bar layoyo Karim Issa, and bar layoyo Bachir Isaac Saadi.

Second: The Assyrian Democratic Organization and its National Role
The establishment of the ADO in July 1957 came as a response to a national necessity imposed by political, intellectual and cultural activism prevailing amongst our people, and also as a logical development in the context of the national movement carried on by the Assyrian people driven by the inspirations of the first pioneers who cultivated the national thought. Further, the belief in the national unity of our people as well as the attainment of its national rights in the homeland has constituted the basic stimulus to the establishment of the ADO. This is because responsibilities such as these can be faced only by active political, committed and methodical work. Hence, there was a great need for organizing our people’s ranks and combining their potentials in order to truly and accurately reflect its ambitions and aspirations; something the parties of the patriotic movement failed to do, though a great number of our people were affiliated with their ranks.

In spite of the difficult circumstances surrounding the foundation years, the ADO, equipped with awareness and knowledge, did not fail to respond to its national duties. It has been able, by means of peaceful and open approach to all the components of our people, to harness several segments of them to the helm of national work through raising awareness in their ranks. Also, it has been able to spread on a large scale at home and abroad, and played a pivotal and leading role and has been the focus of appreciation and respect by all political forces operating in the national arena.

This is due to adopting a rational policy, and succeeding in framing the nationalist feelings within objective demands and available political potentials, away from delusions or excessive emotions, in line with the unity of the country, and consistent, at the same time, with the aspirations and ambitions of our partners in the homeland. These demands can be summarized as follows:
1 – Constitutional recognition of the national existence of Assyrians, as an indigenous people, and the Syriac culture and language as a national one that should be revived and protected.
2 – Granting legitimate national rights (political, cultural, and administrative) to our people within the framework of the unity of the countries where it is residing in the Middle East, according to the particularity of its case in the every country.

In order to achieve these demands and objectives, the ADO has worked on two levels: the national level and the patriotic level.

At the National Level:
The ADO has worked on the dissemination of national consciousness among our people, and tried to remove the obsession of fear of the political action, and sought to break the barriers of sectarianism, and move past the backward structures of tribalism to achieve national unity among our people of various communities and denominations. In spite of adopting the name “Assyrian” as a unifying national name for our people for cultural, historical or political considerations stemming from the fact that the international community has been dealing with our cause since its emergence through this name, the ADO did not turn away from the other names used by our people, but dealt with them with flexibility and openness (despite some stubbornness that characterized its performance in the beginnings). The ADO considered the name Syriac (suryoyo, suraya) based on historical documented and scientific data, as a linguistic derivative and synonym to the name Assyrian, and dealt with other designations with the same pride and dignity it reserved for the “Assyrian” name, placing each designation in its historical and cultural context, considering them as the private undisputed property of our people.

Furthermore, from the outset, the ADO gave importance to deepening the political concept and meaning of the Assyrian people, as well as expanding and enriching it by all the universal and cultural legacy of the Mesopotamian (Beth Nahrin) civilization. In addition, it absorbed all the Sumerian, Akkadian, Babylonian, Aramaic, Syriac and Christianity history, in order to give them deepness and broadness proportionate with the objective reality of our people. Moreover, it has actively participated in the organization of the Chaldo-Assyrian-Syriac General Conference held in Baghdad in 2003, in collaboration with the Assyrian Democratic Movement (ZOWAA) and the Chaldo-Assyrian-Syriac National Council. The ADO demonstrated openness and readiness to accept any designation (single or compound) agreed upon by our people in Iraq with its political forces as well as religious, social and cultural institutions, a designation that would lead to the unity of our people and cut the path in front of anyone who tries to exploit the name issue to divide and tear off our national unity.

The Assyrian Democratic Organization has believed in the centrality of the homeland in reviving our people’s national cause, and it considered that the homeland must be a receptacle embracing the existence of our people both nationally and religiously (Christianity). For this reason, the ADO has taken a stand against the immigration and the displacement of our people from their deeply rooted homeland. It has further considered immigration as a deadly disease, if continued in the current high rates, would weaken the national presence of our people and hit its social and cultural unity, and threaten to empty the Middle East of one of its oldest and most active, tolerant and moderate components. It has further viewed immigration as an outcome of the tragic circumstances that our people went through. But, although the ADO constantly drew attention to the bad consequences of this phenomenon, it could not succeed in its efforts to curb it, because, even on a governmental level solving such a problem looks far-fetched. But what has further complicated it, is the careless and irresponsible attitude of the governments in the Middle East beginning with the policy of discrimination and injustice in addition to the political and economic instability the whole region is witnessing.

Faced with this new reality, the ADO did not stay idle, but interacted and dealt with it with utmost rationality and realism, and attempted to exploit it positively as the Diaspora has become an undeniable reality for our people. So to reduce risks of this process, the activities of our expatriate communities needed to be organized and national awareness amongst our people should be disseminated as a protection against assimilation and dissolution in the huge melting pot of the Western societies. Hence, our branches in America and Europe as well as our associations and the cultural clubs have played an important role in keeping the national cause alive in the hearts of many of our people in Diaspora. Generations of young believers in their national cause have been brought up in these centers. They have become staunch supporters of their brothers and have greatly contributed in identifying the Assyrian cause and highlighting it as a humanitarian and political one through building relations with parliaments, political parties, and human rights organizations in the West.

It has further exposed all the abuses, injustices and arbitrary measures practiced against our people at home. Also, it was able to deliver our voice to the many international forums, and focused the attention on the Genocide (Sayfo) suffered by our people at the hands of the Turkish government at the beginning of the last century. The ADO has further worked on bridging the Diaspora with the homeland through exchanging visits and delegations, and urging the establishment of investment projects at home for the benefit of our people.

In the Area of National Solidarity:
Although the ADO originated in Syria, its principle country of implantation, that did not prevent it from showing solidarity and standing with our people in Iraq, “Tur Abdin” (Turkey), Iran and Lebanon based on a firm national conviction that the ADO as a national establishment belongs to all our people with all their communities and denominations, and that any gain achieved here and there is actually a benefit for all, without exception. This is why in dealing with the issues of our people in these countries, it has acted first and foremost, according to its duty and national responsibility, away from the narrow immediate partisan interests. In this context, it has invested all its cadres, relations and experiences in order to support the demands of our people and its political forces in these countries and to provide them with all possible forms of support financially, morally and politically, and this support often exceeded, the one presented to our people in Syria.

Moreover, it has always showed readiness to answer the call of joint national action. As a matter of fact the ADO has been a forerunner in this field. Based on the resolutions of its 6th conference in the mid eighties, the ADO unleashed an initiative for the formation of a Joint National Struggle Front and circulated this project on all the parties, but the initiative did not succeed then because the objective conditions were not mature yet. However, this did not push them to abandon their attempt to achieve even a minimum level of coordination and joint national work. In addition to that, the ADO participated in 1969 in the foundation of the Assyrian Universal Alliance (AUA) in Pau (France), whose purpose was to create a national umbrella for political parties to unite efforts and discourse on the international platforms on behalf of our people. Regrettably this attempt did not succeed because of the transformation of the AUA to a party like other parties. In the early 1990s, the ADO signed a document of joint action with the Assyrian Democratic Movement (ZOWAA), which then contributed to the formation of an Assyrian Coalition, regrouping four parties: the ADO, the Assyrian Democratic Movement (ADM-Zowaa), the Assyrian Universal Alliance (AUA) and the Beth Nahrin Democratic Party (BNDP).

These alliances were met with satisfaction among our people and achieved some successes on the political and media level, but did not continue because of the early breakup. Nevertheless, the Joint Action Pact with the Assyrian Democratic Movement remains as one of the most important documents which makes incumbent upon both parties to find ways of improving it in order to become a political framework encompassing other national parties and forces.

The ADO today is open to all the institutions and forces of our people, maintains good relationships with them and has further started constructive dialogue with others in order to patch up the situation in the national arena at this very serious juncture, as well as to narrow their differences and develop common understandings and foundations to boost the national work forward.

The ADO’s relationship with the forces and institutions of our people is characterized with mutual respect and trust, this as a matter of fact did not come from nothing but from: the realism of its approach away from all forms of extremism and immoderation, sectarianism or tribalism, as well as the virtues and selflessness of its members and adherents, its patriotic struggle and popularity among our people.

As for the National Culture:
The ADO understood the importance of culture, language and art in highlighting the national feelings and formulating national consciousness, in increasing cohesion between the people and society of all communities and nominations. For this it paid great attention to this matter, and made efforts almost beyond its capacity in this regard, relying on its efforts to extend this work and give it permanence and continuity. It has already succeeded in creating a nationalist generation adhering to these values in private and public ways of life, as an expression of national identity rejecting at the same time all attempts of dissolving and melting into other cultures. And despite persistent and systematic attempts of Arabization exercised against our people by means of extortion and intimidation, the ADO was able to disseminate the Syriac language as a symbol of our identity, among many segments of our people. Moreover, it has published books and works, and contributed to the creation of a modern language free of impurities, and has inspired writers, poets and writers who have worked in the ADO’s ranks, or influenced by its ideology, so that many of them became well known figures in the field of literature and language studies. It has also encouraged the use of names derived from the national heritage, civilization and language, and so people started proudly to give national names to their sons and daughters. In addition to the propagation of national songs and hymns, it has also played a leading role in releasing the popular Syriac songs in Western (turoyo) and Eastern (swadaya) dialects through sponsoring singers and publishing their productions.

It has further worked to revive the Assyrian folklore through supporting artistic teams as well as the national events like the Assyrian New Year (Akito Ha Nisson, 1st of April). The ADO was the first to hold public celebrations on this occasion in the homeland in very difficult circumstances in the mid eighties and it still maintains this tradition up till today. The ADO has also commemorated the martyrs’ day and the memory of the distinguished men of our nation and issued pamphlets about them, and spent a lot of effort and money on the translation, printing and distribution of books dealing with the history and cause of our people, and also helped hundreds of students to complete their university studies. It also contributed to issuing bulletins and magazines, private and public, in the homeland and Diaspora. Most of these efforts have been in cooperation and partnership with the Assyrian Federations in Sweden and Europe. As a matter of fact, these Federations played and continue to play an active role in safeguarding and enriching the national life of our people, and those who have worked in these institutions were truly dedicated men, some of them have preferred to work through the ADO, some others through independent channels, while others have participated in the establishment of political parties and other national institutions.

We can rightly say that the Assyrian Democratic Organization with the associations which it created especially the Assyrian Federations are truly a national institution that many clubs and organizations have been established from it.

Third: The Assyrian Democratic Organization and its Patriotic Role

The birth of the Assyrian Democratic Organization in the homeland was a confirmation of its patriotism and deeply-rooted nationalism and adherence to the reality of our people. The ADO knew from the outset that there was no solution to the issue of national plurality within the homeland, outside the general patriotic framework, and through a just, democratic, global and comprehensive solution acceptable to all the components of society (large and small). From here, it has raised the slogan of the concordance of national and patriotic struggle. On this basis it has built its positions and vision of the whole patriotic issues that are of interest to the citizens of the countries of the Middle East in general and Assyrian citizens in particular away from verbal overstatements and playing on instincts.

However, the thought and visions of the ADO did spread limitedly at the patriotic level, like all the other non-authorized political parties. Because of the nature of the totalitarian regimes that prevailed in the region and Syria for several decades, and the prevalence of ideological tendencies (national, religious, Marxist) over patriotic movement parties, made these regimes a part of the projects extending beyond patriotic borders of Syria and other countries of the region, and adopting policies that did not take into consideration resolving the patriotic issues. Such policies include: the issue of democratic transformation, building patriotic identity, solving the issue of national plurality, and building a state of law and institutions. These things were perceived as of secondary importance to many of these totalitarian regimes and parties, or at best delayed ones until the defeat of colonialism and Zionism and the resolution of the Arab-Israeli conflict, which occupied a central position in the speech, thought and programs of governments and parties alike, and continues to be taken a pretext to refrain from any democratic reforms, arguing that no voice should be louder than the voice of the battle, and further, on the pretext of confronting the external lurking dangers.

In these difficult climates, it is natural that the democratic and liberal parties (especially those of small nations) were all muffled, and their cadres harassed. This frantic uneasy atmosphere led the ADO (despite its peaceful democratic approach) to adopt strict secrecy, in order to preserve its organizational structure and cadres of oppression, and dedicated its efforts for many years to cultural and social work as well as preaching the national ideology within the framework of its own society only. The clandestine work often hindered the work of the ADO and spread of its ideology among larger segments of our people. And at other times this led the ADO to be wrongly understood by many of our people, as well as by some patriotic elites who were misled by propaganda and deceptive statements that were spread by security organs of the ruling authorities, institutions and persons close to them. All this deterred the openness of ADO and its involvement in political and patriotic affairs in general.

However, the secret wall soon collapsed and cracked after the 1986-1987 arrests which affected a large number of cadres and leaders of ADO.

The situation became gradually better with the 1990 election of its candidate for the Syrian People’s Assembly for Hasaka province. Then, at the 10th General Congress in 2003, the ADO formally adopted to work publicly in the national political arena. During that period, especially in the 1990s, the ADO prepared and held many activities and public celebrations overtly such as the annual commemoration of the ADO’s foundation and other national occasions in addition to participating in events alongside of other parties benefiting from the “overlooking” policy followed by the regime towards minority parties.

That period witnessed openness on Communist, Kurdish and other parties, and in spite of the restrictions imposed on the non-authorized political parties, the ADO entered the political work and took part in many patriotic occasions, legislative, municipal and union elections and achieved considerable presence at the political and popular level and demonstrated undeniable representation capacity. This was shown clearly in the 1990 and later elections.

Despite the Regime’s policy of “overlooking,” a great deal of pressure was exercised against the ADO. Its cadres were arrested several times. During the 1986-87 twenty bnay layoyo were arrested. In 1988 one of our leaders was detained and subjected to severe torture that was about to cause him his death. In 1993, four executives were arrested and in1997 three leaders of the ADO were arrested and brought to the State Security Court because of their defense of our people in Khabur area as the area was on the verge of economic catastrophe because of the drought of the Khabur River. In 1998 another bar layoyo was arrested on unfounded charges.

The pressures, interrogations, harassment and even prevention from travel continued all the times. However, the ADO continued to perform its patriotic and national duties with increasing pace, confidence and steadiness. In the darkest conditions through which the ADO lived, every attempt to control or contain it, or drag it into extremism failed, neither did it lose its independence which emanated from the belief of its members in the justness of their cause. But on the contrary, it continued in its approach of realism, moderation and openness and continued building close relationships with many of the patriotic and democratic forces, based on a set of principles shared with these forces, and on the principle of partnership and the patriotic interest.

In the period of relative openness that Syria witnessed following 2000, the ADO contributed to the political activism in the country, and was an integral part of it, and opened up fully to the patriotic political horizon, and built close ties with opposition forces in various national affiliations and political spectrum, as well as with civil society bodies and human rights organization. Its efforts culminated in joining the Damascus Declaration for Patriotic Peaceful Democratic Change in 2006, which represents a wider political coalition and includes many of the forces and patriotic personalities from various national orientations, leftists and liberals, those who believe in the gradual peaceful democratic change in Syria.

The ADO felt that the reason of successive crises plaguing Syria, lies in the nature of the regime and the totalitarian ideology which has prevailed in the country for four decades, during which the political life and public freedoms were stifled, politics was removed from society, and principle of citizenship which is the backbone of any modern political system, was destroyed. The patriotic attachment was weakened for the benefit of other more primitive and external affiliations. This drained the energies and resources of the country for purposes hostile to the interests of the homeland and citizens. All these, produced several diseases and socio-economic phenomena such as corruption and unemployment, prevented development required at various levels. Hence, the ADO in its programs called for the establishing of a democratic, secular system, launching public freedoms, expanding political participation, and the abolition of all forms of monopoly and exclusiveness, as well as maintaining the supreme patriotic interest over all other considerations. It has further believed that Syria is the final homeland for all its sons. And that the Syrian patriotic identity with all the cultural, religious and ethnic diversity it includes, constitutes a unifying receptacle for all Syrians, whatever their affiliation. The ADO has linked the issue of democracy with that of respect for human rights, and the solution of the issue of national plurality in the patriotic framework, and considered that the standard for the credibility of any democratic system. The ADO also called for deep and genuine reforms in the various political, economic, administrative and educational sectors. Moreover, it believed that the reform process is a constant societal need that responds to the interests of the homeland and citizens, and should not be linked to the external pressures and interests, or to the end of regional conflicts.

The ADO has also focused on the priority of political reform as a precondition for any reform process to avoid the society any chaos and potential shocks that could lead to instability. In addition, it has advocated the adoption of reform emanating from the inside, with the participation of all patriotic forces in the country, and felt that the most important step in the reform is to establish a new patriotic constitution for the country, based on the principles of secularism and democracy as they are inseparable parts. A Constitution, based on separation of religion from politics (and not from society), on the correct understanding of the rights of citizenship, and the principle of genuine partnership in the homeland. A constitution that would end the monopoly and exclusivity, and would create opportunity for a peaceful and democratic alternation of power and further recognize the situation of national, religious, cultural and linguistic diversity in the framework of one unifying patriotic identity.

To ensure the success of such process, it must be preceded by the following steps and procedures:
1– Suspension of the emergency and martial law.
2– Abolishing all courts and emergency laws.
3– The release of all political prisoners and prisoners of conscience from Syrian prisons and closing the file of political arrests.
4– Promulgating a modern and democratic law for parties, taking into accounts the political, national and cultural diversity in Syria.
5– Issuing a law for democratic elections that would achieve the widest participation, and ensure proper representation of all components of society.
6– Restore citizenship to all persons deprived of them.
7– Enact laws that protect society from all kinds of religious, national and political intolerance and discrimination.
8– Achieve full equality between men and women in all rights and duties, and the abolition of all forms of discrimination against women.
9– Independence of the judiciary system to establish the principle of separation of powers in public life.
10– Taking decisive action to curb the increasing phenomenon of corruption and bring the corrupt officials to justice.
11– Keeping the army away from interfering in politics and neutralize it to keep its mission only in defending and protection of the homeland.
12– Constitutional recognition of the existence of the Assyrians as indigenous people, and to ensure its genuine national rights along with the rest of the other components of the society, Arabs, Kurds, Armenians and others.


As for the Politics, Foreign Relations:
The ADO has focused on the need for Syria to establish better relations with Arab and neighboring countries, and with all countries of the world, balanced relations that would serve national interests, based on the principle of equality, cooperation, common interests and mutual trust and respect.

Fourth: Conclusion
There is no doubt that the action of the Assyrian Democratic Organization has not been easy as some may imagine, but was full of difficulties. The ADO was targeted from many circles, in order to prevent it from performing its patriotic and national mission. There were failures and successes along its long and thorny march. This is due to some objective reasons relating to the general political situation which prevailed over the country. Others stem from their self-regulatory conditions and that of our people’s in general.

The long clandestine work in the homeland and abroad has made the ADO miss many opportunities of spreading among many segments of our people. The absence of professionalism, dependence on volunteer work have sometimes reduced rates of achievement, and also work in an unstable environment of whims and different inclinations, added to this the emergence of some differences from time to time and leaving of some comrades, fragmentation between the designations, and the depth of sectarianism, all of these have weakened the ADO. But this complex situation prompted the ADO to redouble its efforts to heal the situation and create a national political framework to be able to continue and develop resisting the temptations of assimilation and containment. All these factors would weaken any political entity; however, the Assyrian Democratic Organization surpassed all these difficulties, remained strong and proud, and today is more confident in itself and in its thinking and approach, in its comrades and the people.

At the occasion of its Jubilee, the ADO stresses its openness to all forces and patriotic parties in the countries of the Middle East. It will continue its relations with these forces in order to support our presence in the homeland. It also emphasizes that the ADO will keep on being a national unifying institution for all of our people, and the doors will always be open to everybody to work together in order to shoulder our patriotic and national responsibilities.

The Basic Principles of the Assyrian Democratic Organization

Fundamental Principles
The 1st Principle: The Assyrian Democratic Organization is a national, political and democratic movement having for objective the safeguard of the existence of the Assyrian people and the realization of its legitimate national aspirations (political, cultural, and administrative) in its historical homeland.
The 2nd Principle: The Assyrian people is the living and uninterrupted continuity of the people and the civilization of Mesopotamia (Beth Nahrin) under its multiple denominations and throughout all of its historical periods: Sumerian, Akkadian, Babylonian, Chaldean, Assyrian, Aramean and Syriac, which are all national denominations by which our people were known in Mesopotamia, in the historical context proper to each of these denominations.
The 3rd Principle: The historical homeland of the Assyrian people is the territory of Mesopotamia, while the national-cultural area extended to the Mediterranean.
The 4th Principle: Assyrian people have the to live in their homeland, enjoy their national and human rights shared equally by all peoples on this region, in a democratic framework based on justice and equality.
The 5th Principle: The presence of our people in the diaspora is a temporary one and was the result of unnatural circumstances experienced by the homeland, and has the right to preserve his national identity while retaining the right to return to his homeland, when the circumstances become appropriate.
The 6th Principle: The Assyrian people consists of the following churches followers: The Ancient Assyrian Oriental church, the Assyrian Eastern Church, The Syriac Orthodox Church, The Chaldean Church, the Greek Orthodox Church, the Syriac Maronite Church, The Syriac Catholic Church, the Roman Catholic Church, Evangelical Syriacs and the followers of other religions.
The 7th Principle: The language of the Assyrian people is Syriac, articulated in its two forms Eastern and Western, this language presents different dialects: swadaya, turoyo, of Ma‘aloula and Jab’adin.
The 8th Principle: The Assyrian Democratic Organization considers that the safeguard of the language, patrimony and culture of the Assyrian people is a patriotic, national, and even universal responsibility.
The 9th Principle: Assyrian organization believes that democracy is the ideal system to build civilized societies, being the guarantor of justice, freedom and equality.
The 10th Principle: Forced to exile in the aftermath of massacres, the Assyrian people have the right to return to the territory, from which they were expelled, and to recover under international protection and control the goods and lands which were swindled from Assyrians.

General principles
The 1st Principle: the Assyrian Democratic Organization considers that the different religions of all the peoples and all nations, as well as, the philosophical and scientific ideas and beliefs, are all human heritage that must be respected. They reject sectarianism, religious segregation and all forms of intolerance and fanaticism between religious, secular and ideological movements and further views the whole human culture with respect and appreciation and sees the necessity of separating religion from the State, as an embodiment of the organization’s principles of secularism and full freedom of individuals and groups in the exercise of various beliefs in the same society.
The 2nd Principle: The Assyrian Democratic Organization believes that brotherhood, cooperation between peoples, mutual confidence in a climate of pacific coexistence and equilibrium of interests are the best ways to build the present and future.
The 3rd Principle: the Assyrian Democratic Organization renounce all forms of racist practices and considers them abuse of human dignity and the elimination of those practices is the responsibility of the human society nations and institutions.
The 4th Principle: Man is the sublime objective of any society, his merit is evaluated based on his competencies and according to his accomplished work and to everything he creates in society. His rights and his dignity must be preserved and guaranteed according to the of Human Rights Charter.
The 5th Principle: All results of science and knowledge belong to humanity and must be harnessed for the benefit of the human being, therefore, the Assyrian Democratic Organization is against using science for military purposes and against all forms of armaments, and calls for the disarmament of weapons of mass destruction as it stands against the militarization of human relations and calls for giving the United Nations a full role in resolving disputes between nations and peoples in a peaceful manner.
The 6th Principle: Assyrian Democratic Organization believes in the right of women to exercise their political, cultural, social and economic rights.
The 7th Principle: the Assyrian Democratic Organization renounce dictatorship and considers it an insult to human dignity and human society and a real threat to the freedom of people in the exercise of his life, ideals, values, beliefs and ideology.
Some principles amongst others…

Some milestones….
1957 – On the 15th of July, the ADO is founded in Qamishly in Upper-Jazirah in Syria.
1964 – First General Congress. Adoption and diffusion of the ADO’s Progressive Program.
1968 – Participation in the foundation of the Assyrian Universal Alliance (AUA) in Pau (France).
1978 – Foundation of the Assyrian Federations in Sweden and Europe.
1985 – Foundation of the Assyrian Youth Federations in Sweden
1986-1987 – Arrest of 22 executives of the leadership of the ADO in Syria.
1987 – Presentation of the Assyrian case in Turkey including the Genocide “Sayfo 1915” to an International Tribunal.
1990 – Election of the ADO candidate at the elections of the People’s Assembly in Syria.
1990 – Signature of the Common Action Pact between the ADO and the Assyrian Democratic Movement (ADM – Zowaa).
1994 – Formation of a national coalition, regrouping four parties: the ADO, the Assyrian Democratic Movement (ADM-Zowaa), the Assyrian Universal Alliance (AUA) and the Beth Nahrin Democratic Party (BNDP).
1997 – Arrest of three leaders of the ADO in Syria following the affair of the drought of the Khabur River.
2002 – Introduction of a claim on Genocide “Sayfo 1915” to International Court of Justice in Den Haag.
2003 – Organization, in collaboration with ADM-Zowaa and the National ChaldoAssyrian Syriac Council, of the General Syriac Chaldean Assyrian Conference in Baghdad.
2003 – 10th general congress of the ADO: Opening of political action.
2006 – Adherence to the Declaration of Damascus for Democratic National Peaceful Change.
2006 – Participation in the Liberal International Conference in Cairo and in the foundation of the forum of liberal parties in the Middle East and North Africa.
2007 – Participation with the Institute for Historical Justice and Reconciliation at the Salzburg Seminar and Södertörn University College in Sweden, in Mass Grave Investigation in Kuru village of Nusaybin district, in southeastern Turkey’s Mardin province.

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