For that reason, the ethnic and sectarian taxonomy forced itself on the political arena in Iraq. It stage-managed the Iraqi domestic front, giving rise to many surprises, which were not expected by anyone, whether the coalition forces or the neighbouring countries, or even those interested in Iraq’s domestic affairs. Starting from this point, the Iraqis should now measure up to the general responsibility laid on their shoulders; bear their country’s future in mind and put off any individual or private aspirations for the sake of realising one shared dream: total stability. Once this is achieved, each group or body can express its own visions through proper constitutional channels. At that point, any Kurdish, Turkmani, Shia, Sunni or Assyrian dream can be realised. Well done, Bremer, when you as the civil governor of Iraq gave concrete shape to the US vision of the war-ravaged country’s political scenario for the next phase: restoring stability before handing over power to the Iraqis, as per the agreement of November 15, 2003 which lays emphasis on running elections for the representatives of the 18 Iraqi governorates (provinces) to sequentially form the interim national council; lay down the Iraqi constitution and then conduct the general elections in March 2005 where each elector shall have only one vote. If the above is confronted with the sectarian or tribal fears of one party overpowering the other and harping on religions and sects, it would turn to be illusions at this stage. The nation has been divided into Shia and Sunni in addition to other Christian and Yazidi sects. Above all, the Shias themselves have been a divided lot: those who wish the referential authority to be an Arab, namely the followers of Imam Muqtada Al Sadr, and those who wish him to be an Iranian, namely the followers of Ayatullah Al Sistani, who is originally supported by Iran. We have witnessed a form of alliance between the Sunnis and the followers of Muqtada Al Sadr, which consists of about eight million Shia Iraqis. All this drives more complications to the political arena in Iraq, which would consequently lead to more disintegration. As to the ethnic part, Bremer has done well too, when he announced the US stance towards the federal system, which was manifest in the Kurdish demands. He said that the US advocated the Kurdish demand for autonomy, provided that it would not exceed the limits of the Iraqi national unity. He explained that the US does not support, in principle, any law aiming at separating any part of Iraq, a stance which is in harmony with that of the neighbouring countries. Syria, Iran and Turkey do not accept the separation of the Kurds. Some expected an armed confrontation and a mass war with the new Kurdish state, if it comes into existence. Until March 2005 comes by, where the general elections would take place as Al Sistani wishes, we have a whole year during which stability and peace can be restored to the Iraqi political arena. It is a good chance for the rebuilding of Iraq’s infrastructure and civil society. However, this is conditional on Al Sistani’s stance, which would be revealed with the advent of the election under the caucus system, not the general elections as he wishes. It is also conditional on the Kurds’ stance as to curbing their national aspirations to the earnings gained in the last 10 years before the ousting of Saddam. We will see…
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